Before the election, Cameron's main headache was the Tories' right-wing twin, Ukip. Today, Ukip may be out of the way, at least in parliamentary terms. But Cameron still faces a very similar headache from his right-wing backbenchers, whose "little Englander" obsessions are not very different from those of Ukip.
The fact that Cameron's Commons majority is so small, can only put him on a collision course with these right-wing backbenchers. And this time round he won't be able to turn to Lib-Dem MPs for support against a potential rebellion within the ranks of his own party.
The fact that Cameron was going to come under pressure from this direction sooner rather than later, was highlighted within days of the May election, when a media campaign began in the Tory press, urging him to throw his spanner in the works of the European Union. Cameron, who probably expected this, promptly responded by announcing a tour of the European capitals in which he pledged to canvass support for a "better deal for Britain".
But this is largely window dressing. The EU leaders are unlikely to be very impressed by his posturing, knowing that the big City firms are breathing down his neck and won't allow him to put Britain's membership of the EU at risk. And this leaves Cameron with no leg to stand on.
An attack against all workers
The less Cameron is able to satisfy his backbenchers' anti-EU obsessions, the more he will concede to their anti-working class prejudices.
For instance, Cameron had already targeted EU migrants before the election, pledging to ban them from claiming benefits, including tax credits, until they had worked for four years in Britain. And he now claims a mandate to go ahead.
All this is justified by the tired old myth that EU citizens are flocking to Britain in order to live a "comfortable life" on its benefit system.
But, of course, this "benefit tourism" myth is deliberately circulated to create prejudice, idiotic though it may be. Because all statistics, including the government's own figures, show that compared to local workers, EU migrants are far less likely to "live on benefits" and far more likely to be in low-paid, casual jobs. In other words this new 4-year rule would be devastating for many among them.
But it should be clear that behind Cameron's scape-goating of migrant workers there is a more general attack against all poor workers in this country. Indeed, the roll-out of "universal credit" includes a new system of sanctions whereby a 2-adult household earning less than the equivalent of 51 hours a week on the minimum wage, would lose its benefit entitlement!
Once again, behind an attempt at splitting the ranks of the working class, it is really all workers who are being targeted, regardless of nationality.
If we don't have the right, we'll take it!
Another of Cameron's concessions to his right-wing backbenchers is his plan is to make strike ballots illegal when the turnout is under 50% - meaning that at least 25% of those entitled to vote, should vote in favour of strike action. In public services, the minimum turnout would have to be as high as 80%!
Of course, this is rather ironical, coming from a party which did not even get the support of 25% of registered voters!
Even then, it would not necessarily stop strike ballots from being legal, at least in the private sector. For instance, at Network Rail, the company which maintains railway tracks and stations, a strike ballot against a 0% "pay offer" was won on 4 to 1 majority won and a 60% turnout.
The issue for the working class is elsewhere. At the time of writing a 24-hour strike is planned by the RMT union for May 25th. But no-one can be sure that the strike will go ahead - because, these days, union leaders are in the habit of using strike ballots as bargaining chips rather than as fighting instruments.
In fact, this is where our real problem lies, and not in the legislation that Cameron may or may not pass. Ultimately, all legislation is a matter of the balance of forces - and laws can always be repealed.
If today's labour movement was worth its salt, it would be out organising against any threat against our rights - whether regarding benefits or strike action, regardless of the origin of those who are affected. But we cannot expect this of union leaders who have been sitting on their hands since the beginning of the crisis, offering no fighting perspective against the attacks of the bosses. We can defend our class interests, though, but only provided we find within our ranks the energy and the resources to mobilise our forces - because our best weapons are our numbers and our unity.